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American, Chinese, and Japanese perspectives on wartime by Akira Iriye, Warren I. Cohen

By Akira Iriye, Warren I. Cohen

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Extra resources for American, Chinese, and Japanese perspectives on wartime Asia, 1931-1949

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4. 095-dc20 89-70141 CIP Page v Contents Acknowledgments vii Contributors ix Introduction by Akira Iriye xi American Leaders and East Asia, 1931-1938 Warren Cohen 1 A Test of the Open Door Policy: America's Silver Policy and Its Effects on East Asia, 1934-1937 Wang Xi 29 The United States and East Asia in the mid-1930s: The Cotton and Wheat Loan Chihiro Hosoya 73 Japanese Approaches to China in the 1930s: Two Alternatives Katsumi Usui 93 Businesses, Governments, and War in China, 1931-1949 Sherman Cochran 117 Franklin D.

Taft's secretary of state, Philander C. Knox, found Roosevelt's argument unacceptable. Knox insisted that the territory was Chinese and that the historic role of the United States as China's champion precluded acquiescence in Japanese imperialism. He sought an alternative between war and surrender, but this quest for a workable alternative was unsuccessful in Taft's day. Now, in the face of more blatant Japanese aggression, what could be done? Hoover was adamant: He would not resort to force. No obligation the United States had to China and no American interest required war or the risk of war.

He wanted to act, to put an end to this abomination. From time to time he considered economic sanctions, wondering if Japan could be brought to heel by such pressures, whether they were justified, and what risks they entailed. His doubts were underscored by Hoover's conviction that economic sanctions led inexorably to war. Despair over American impotence was deferred briefly when the Japanese government called for a commission of inquiry in late November and the League council resolved to send what became the Lytton Commission.

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